International News Vol. XII #2 Feb. - April 1950

Vol. XII No. 2

Labor -Donated

10 Cents

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THE STALiN-TITO SPLIT
THE UKRAINE PROBLEM

AH ANSWER TO TROTSKY

A SUPPRESSED CHAPTER

FROM THE

HISTORY OF TROTSKYISM

PART ill ,i ^ |i

- Hugo O enler

IENIN ON "POINT FOUR

JM

Theoretical Organ cf the

REVOLUTIONARY V&RKERS LEAGUE, U.S.

PAGE I

Tho dispute between Titc and Stalin has grown and become clearer oafter
the year and a half since it first cane to wc rid public attention. The Titc re-
gime, product of vast s-cinl upheaval of tho war and pc si-war period, has clashed
with tho plans cf tho Soviet burocracy t: keep Eastern Europe as a buffer area
between the Russian borders and- the ^ American-British imperialist dominated Western
Europe, Just as Wall Street finds the passes rebelling against their part of
Burcpe agreed on at tho secret Yalta and Petsdstaf agreements of Roosevelt-Churchill
aud^Ttu^ah-Ati^e with Stalin, so Stalin finds the ,wc rkors and peasants of Yugo-
slavia aAd all East Europe stirring against j, hls part. 1 ' • feey not only reject any
orop, sals to return to their rotten conditions of the Versailles Peace cf 1918, or
the'Vreat soil-out of Munich and tho Hitler-Stalin Pact, or the Nazi wartime dom-
ination, but they also" refuse to tolerate a "now" future Of plunder by the Wall
Street bankers and "denazified" European capitalists supported by a frightened
£k viot euro cracy .

^ jji i The Yugoslav workers and peasants civil war under Tito's leadership was
directed^ dgainst capitalism, although under a false banner of nationalism and
"People's Front" and ^People's Democracy. 1 ' Capitalist apologists take advantage
of this contradiction/to pass- off their struggle as a. rebellion yesterday against
Hitler and today against Stalin, as actually a luattcr of nationalism against for-
eign domination. But this is not true. 5

VERSAILLES "PEASE" AND THE NATIONAL PROBLEM

•* l There are indeed problem^ of -an unsolved national quOStio^i which cap-
italist netfor solved in Eastern Europe while it did so dn Western; Europe for the
most part. The breakdown of the Austro -Hungarian Empire (along with the Russian
and Ottoman Empires) relieved the various nationalities of one oppression only to
plunge then into another. The whole map of Eastern Europe was redrawn to moot the
needs cf trhrld capitalism against the October Revolution, to create a patchwork
of weak, competing nations with all their various hatreds against each other, as
a 'bordon sanitaire", and secondly, the needs cf the victorious Allies of 1918
against the possible resurgence of Gorman capitalism. The slogan of defending the
rights &f small nations was the cover t: split the ?/crker and peasant masses before
the dncroaciimonts cf Amoricari, and- especially British and, French capital.

If tho "democracies 11 c;uid pint tc the bright jewel of Czechoslovakia
as their justification, they kept conspicuously silent about the violent white
terr..r:of the semi-fascist dictatorships of PilsudsiriL (Poland) ,■ Ho r thy -(Hungary)
and others from Yugoslavia down * to- Greece, dressed up as constitutional monarchies.
They who wore deathly silent while* the v; rst terror^ destroyed hundreds and thou-
sands of workers and peasants 1 lives, and oppressed over 100 million people in the
"glorious" Versailles Peace, now scream about the misfortune of a few handfuls cf
reactionary .capita-lists, landowners and landoi^ing churckaen-'at the hinds of the
ruthless Soviet burocracy. * *

j . ■ ■■ " ■■->-../ ■ :* ;

And for tho benefit of those who benoan the fate of "honest" democrats
and socialists (while remaining silent about Stalin's terror AGAINST PROLETARIAN
REVOLUTIONISTS) in Eastern Europe, as violations of Yalta, etc., l&t us recall a
fov<>of the; INEVITABLE RESULTS OF THE "HONEYEOON" PERIOD OF AGREEMENT. Thoy include
• such matters ass ^redrawing the map of Central and Eastern Europe with a complete
disregard of the people — not even the pretense of a plebiscite; forced mass urigra-

i

.,.,»... .yw <*!,.'

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PAGE 2

--- -: during Wcrld War 2. . , Ji v^« dcf.ds .i ..11 sizcs—cf unarmed

STALM AND TITO AGREE IN::pRI«GIPLE

press ,tho FIGHTING mffiCER:;-nd the

the-'

5CC-

coally
Issue,
ss must tolto pcrcor
Is

.-^lotuiy with th7 : "s^isLr^^;St»^d D »^ s ? *° f os nct tia u? his

-'lot Uni,n. Marxists relict tM - fs™ J - , ?ocple* s democracies," and
«aot S of East Europe^ S Sm S^ S^ W that «»o workers and
■ Europe. It is n r^isi i :?",:^S% S ' CaalisrJ , *«** «ia workers
" - rite's capitulation te^SSisr LSRSSn S^' ""V* CCVGrs St ^»'s~
•r;rld cponly. ' t - il6 ~ lu -astern Burr >e and t ho rest

*ce, or else give it up wta£^t^l£'3^ l^hVflf BMt 2*

- claiming Tito cannct build s^cialii c-rv'h' f^llcrt up thi

-:-:.o ecanlotulv 'Wiw, t.h,. :..^-7,- f Cial:iSE „ JijY docouso no dees net tie u

•f tho

CAPITALISTS Ifl SASTERiv S810P©

-th u .., st r u^^j^t^^'^^Z^-^^L^^ 1 ct Hifclor c ^ rried

uac ccllaJxi tod . ad t fi eo f-r th^ i< ? * thesfecccuaterosj most ?f these
*~P* Those ^so rocf^wa^r^o'bad ^^J* • "^oraUp- Western
thomsxjlT-qs unitci .4th exiles who returnS fw^?^ laa " anod suld declared.
friendship v .i th tha , r _ r _ r ,.. t S^ tui *3d/rcm abrrad, such as Bonos, etc., in

to balance the: **£ ,, t ^ So ^ ^sln <f nl " * W, they nc W hoped
Basses bole-,. Th^ arc the ne* «^f-S5£ SsSf^ ?^ oast, against the
«bc en occasion even join the mtiv'^P l~ ^^Sontsaa, " the "honest patriots"
and Catholic Parties Lncfserve thefr'nalls! ° ^^ l^.^tle, Poasent

Thoy are caught between tho tu^f-W <»-v.-«^* -, *
,'ostern imperialists and tho Soviet bur -4^ ^ v, i ^ X ' f Eurr? ° ^ «»
forces and the masses below. All ,l~t l„ „ ' ^ boteoon those intornati onal
theas.elves against 6'aeh >thor ihd fe^ .^- diSC: ' ntant ^ the masses to strengthen
as "real patriots," B^S^ kS i^rS^J^^!^ ** % etheJ"
many people in ,th or entries dc n-"t S^ ^'^ ° ? v ?^ thip -g- ^97 rdmember if
1943 and IS44), the civil *ar in' I^A" tt^^ ^ ^^ ' ( ^ 9 ^ 19 «-
x« xnt workers- and peasants' cunclls S ^- ^^f^?^ tc crystal-

luxitxas. Tho fact that the Stalinists

INTERNATIONAL i!E'.. : 3 PAGS 3

— t w.

ipod the native "good" bourgeoisie t iistcrt this £ : . L - ~nt into na-

tionalistic forms, "liberation c: coi^e the s Iriters as tc

the social danger.

The days of 1913 and 1919, :f t . . zs zf Liobtaaecfat and Luxemburg,

ef Eisner's Bavarian Soviet Repuhl: _' lloo in oo.:ir memory

in a rush. Net for no thing dc they asbmc ohase

Kremlin stoocges are forced en the;, by the resale: : : - loatral

Europe (occupation and "communication" zrnes). I 2 thoy

have" to, the" nationalization of industry in part ~r in t±l ad the division of

land of the landlords and PART of the church 1 ... s Die pi assure ~f -_. ,ses

for social revolution compels the Stalinists to gc far beyond cap-

italist economy in Western Europe, but I -I ?:.". .7 ::.: :._-:: I -

and the social revolution is prevented frcn re ; full ;_:p&ent in the dic-

tatorship of the proletariat, in the for. oo.l: r.t-s

councils*

t- PEOPLE 1 S FRONTI.". £GJXE

The civil war in Yugoslavia led the ■: far ng the road of social

revolution, but the great block of a leadership ha revisionist school

of politics — Stalinism — stands in the way. The - theai ct great courage

unlike many other revisionists cf Stalinism and Social-Da^rcracy, *wt they have
been and are derailing the social revolution just as vj : : "rial BeHccracy since
1914, Stalinism everywhere since 1925, end AnarcMs B001 in the Spanish

civil war.- It is no", accident that Tito is an ardent . : . . ito f a Frontist: he part-
icipated in the Spanish struggle hand in gleve with all Ek Stalinist forces
against the proletariat for support/of the Kremlin line. E : 01 _ the blocdy defeat
organised by-the People's Front, Tito drey only no less ra the ccllabcr-

ation with the "democratic" class enemy. In Jugoslavia, the tctel collapse of the
old ruling factions of the bourgeoisie during the r - Call of the Hitler

domination, drove the potty-bourgeoisie and sections of the bourgeoisie into the
arms of the C.P. for protection against the wrath :f the .;r:letari-at and poor
peasants, under the concrete conditions of the ::- ricd and the interna-

tional situation, it was a godsend to these exploited

• Let us refer to Tito himself. The fclicmng st 0: oats were made in a

report to the. Second Congress of the People's Front in Se 0. iber, 1S47-- the same*'
month in which the Cofqinfcrfi was set up:

"Our country emerged from the vrar in a terribly devastated condition.
The rounds which the pec pies of our country had suffered at the hands of the
invaders were such serious ones that it would ha- :en several decades to ho&l

them under former political and Gccneniic conditions. But the People's Front in-
fused a tremendous working, creative enthusio our peoples for the recon-
'sHTructlon of our country— among our youth, our workers, our peasants, and cur
people's intelligentsia..* 11 After the betrayal of the old ruling factions, the
masses required a "new state. ..on the ruins of the old Yugoslavia which had shown
itself incapable of existing 11 , a "hew Yugoslavia — the Federated People's Republic
of Yugoslavia— a state with a new and more equitable social organisation. » Reject-
ing the old forms of capitalist democracy as a mask for capitalist dictatorship,
Yugoslavia now has a "democracy of a hew type," In which there are no more the
old pro-monarchist, competing bourgeois political parties. They are unnecessary
because "a unified economic program also requires a unified political JondorshiS-
However—

iM^^^ma, mm :

PAG2 4

>Scjnocrto aoy ^oraorJc that ia cur People* a Trent tec thoro arc several
bcurgaeis ^artiss* fhiji is trua. But tho massoa ct these parties and seme of
$hoir loa&ars joined th$ Poepla 1 s frcnt whila the ror cf liberation iias still in
progress, and without wai;ti*g fcrr the main loaders* Af tar tha war tho loaders cf
these .^ajpfclefi rq^jed the ccfcvioticft that the Peopled Fr^at was the* boat Sciatic
fc* cup pac^la^ il^Qf stored the Pocpla** Forest and are tc£ay holding iapcrtcuat
pests in the ndsiiiii»t^aiicn cf the qcunijry^ Tho pyosaaeo of thosa load^s ia tho.
People 1 * Front decs net have a weakening af£o<*t e» its unity so long as they carry

cut tho program cf tho Front,
cLii c conceptions • . . . tl

they agroa with its political and eccn-

...-; TITO AND CAPITALISTS AGREE

And what about tho program cf tho Tito party in relation to this People 1 s
Front program,, with which "seme" bourgeois politicians agree?

"Has tho GoMnunist Party of Yugoslavia some ether program outside that
cf tho People's Front? Ncl Tho Con&unist Party has n? cthor program. The pro-
gram cf the People's Front is its program toe J 1 Her; then did the CP differ from
the ether parties? In loading the forces for national liberation under the Magi
occupation, "driving cut the aggressors, fey annihilating local traitors, and for
creating a now state structure, the Federal People's Republic. ;f Yugoslavia.

"After the new state had been created, the Coraraunist Party assumed the
leadership of the entire sccial developments in the building of people's author-
ities, in the organization ;f the state, that is, in the reconstruction of the
country, in economic and cultural life, etq. It co-rried ;ut this task as a com-
ponent part of the People's Frcnt because it is the leading cleiaont within it."

NEED FOR WORKERS' COO NOIL STATE

In ether 7/crds^ men bourgeois society qc llnps.od, the Tito forces resur-
rected itvJLn new forms. As in %ho Spanish People's Frcot, the bourgeoisie appear
ag IxaxiiBhad or miner segments as "good democrats suppcrtiag tho majority ♦" But
the M h0w H state forra is also based on national, geographic* linos which fcinco modern
history began, has boon the idpal instrumont of tho capitalists to conceai thoir
class rule under ^ ^d^uocratic'' guise. As Marx and tonln go cfton pcintod cut,
the proletariat trill opJLy bo able to express its rulo a£tor tho bourgeois state is
smashed by an industrial structure, cf the typo of the Paris Ccramuao and tho Soviet
structure cf the October Revo lut ion.

This is a further revision of Marxism by Stalinism, Whara in 1955 tho
7th UiciOd Qcnrrresa of tho eld Conintex^n posed tho task of Pocplo f s Frcats as a
meo^s of "combating" fasQism, after the Second Uc rid War tho People's Ftctit is
given tfra^ OF THE PROLETARIAT as a transiti-n

form cf?^Qietybotv r eeii capitalism and socialism.

Condoiatant with this geo& anothor sfovqlcpmont of revisionism. Where
yostord&y ^collective security" Wjttl supposedly m obedient to threw back "fascist
aggression:,'' 'today there is on open repudiation cf the world prolotarina rav&lutioiu
She fundiwaontaX pro^aB£of -thd ^ Ccminfonft, vi^tch STi\LIH AND tITO iwppcrt, was
stated liy Zhdnncv and Malonkcv, as ropcrto** fcr "Ccimauniat Party c? tho Soviet
Union (Bolsheviks)": "We proceed from tho fact that the cc* exist oM>a of tw
systems^-capitalism and scciolisiiH-is inevitable for a long ^oripd ct teUAa****

«PHW"Hi"

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eriiational news

PAGE 5

Lte since his summary expulsion has never critidi zed this ^revision, enly Stalin's
reeratic attitude tweerd Titc. The recent outright repudiation of a call for a
'pe ccmnuriist international shews Tito's differences are act fundamental; Tito
nd Stalin thus both repudiate the world pro let ari at , , except as border patrols tc
ider foreign intervention.

The revolutionary Marxists of Yugoslavia must have no illusions. The
; resent situation of a thwarted social revolution can solve ncna of the problems
the workers and peasants, none of the various national questions (Serbia, Sic-
oia, Croatia, Macedonia), Capitalist reaction in e:d;le and in tactical silence
ot home has Suffered blows, but" it has NOT BEEN DECISIVELY DEFEATED. Let Stalin
r^aeh agreement v;ifch Wail Street on Germahy and Austria,, and vdthdraw the Red
Sfcmy from the "occupation and communication zones,' 1 lot the imperialists put open
ressuro en Titc through forced compensation for nationalized property taken ever
from foreign capital (80$ of pre-war Yugoslav industry was foreign cwnci), and
reaction will shew itself openly again.

1 ' FOR WORKERS DEMOCRACY

The workers of Yugoslavia cannot continue to support a regime that op-
poses the establishment of democratic workers, peasants and soldiers' ceunfcils

;.ile it pretends to agree with Marx and Lenin, They rcust establish a now state,
the dictatorship of the proletariat, that will crush reaction decisively, while
guaranteeing ; democracy for these who need it, the toiling masses. And the long-
term development of Yugoslavia's industry and agriculture n;ust be tied up with the
fate of industry and agriculture of Western Sure e>c and the Soviet Union — the ■>■
SOCIALIST UNIFICATION OF EUROPE, .If some say this Is unrealistic, let them ex-
plain hew ony ether road is practical, * en a continent cf capitalist- anarchy and
war-destroyed economies, caught in the grip ef the tug-of-war between Wail Street -
and the Kremlin, with all the big end little existing rulers cf Euro pa opposing
any real collaboration c£ countries, dremioig the masses in seas ef national
hatreds. The lieevy Industry ef, Czechoslovakia, Germeny., France, Belgium and Lux-

3t beceine an aid" to rue-eslavie and .all ef East Eurcpe; the workers of

Italy and Spain, the Yorkers and peasants ;f the SOVIET JH10N, must nil be united.
They" can be. IN EVERY OKS OF THESE COUNTRIES THE MASSES OVERWHELMINGLY SUPPORT
LEADERS MO SUPPOSEDLY ,;RE "FOR SOCIALISE. 11

The Yugoslav Marxists con lead the way. But they must brook with all
national reformists, with all odie vacillate en pro lot ari an internationalism. Thoif*
Slogans must be— FOR A SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA OF WORKERS, PEASANTS MD SOLDIERS 1
COUNCILS' FOR A SOCIALIST COUNCIL UNITED STATES OF EURDPE1 AGAINST CAPITALISM
AND\\CtAINST STALINISM-- FOR i^GRKERS DEMOCRACY! FOR A NEW COMMUNIST PARTY OF YUGO-
SLAVIA, AND A NEW COMMUNIST (4TH) INTERNATIONAL!

There is nc ether way.

January 6, 1950.

iTIOSAL KSl«S

PAGE 6

?fo®i

Q0K(

01 O

D<S[rui)

AS AHSWER TO LS&H TROTSO AEQ OTHERS .

Ed. Note: Tho question cf the national prebleE! in Eastern Entrope is taking
en mere importance with tho increasing tension between world capitalism and
tho Soviet hurecracy for control of this vital area, the Tito developments
in Yugoslavia, and reports cf underground activity in the- Ukraine. To aid
in the clarification cf this problem, we. rtoprint an article published by the
RWL in 1959, as a restatement of the Marxist position in answer to Leon Trotsky
who capitulated to Ukrainian nationalism, as part of his centrist line. The
Carmen Trotskyism have recently republished this article by Trotsky, as troll
as his answer to the article published below. Our reply to his answer will
appear in the next issue, f INTERHAIIGftAL NEWS, as a reprint of our original
reply which the Trotskyists ch.se t: remain c, mDletely silent. about.

The Hitler propaganda for a "Greater Ukraine 11 , which lays tho basis for
a Nazi attempt to carve a colonial empire out of this vast fertile territory .and
is an opening wedge to overthrew the Soviet union, focuses attention upon cue cf the
most complex questions of Eastern Europe. The Ukraine, like Poland has constituted
o historical jig-saw^ ever since the days of Czarism. The Versailles Treaty did not
solve this problem! but only created new and sharker antagonisms-. Today, with tho
decline. :f the Scviet Uni. n under Stalinism, and with the rise cf Fascism, the pro-
blem of the Ukraine becomes one of the important questions of world politics. Al-
though Hitler has momentarily relegated to tho background agtatien on the Ukraine
question, this 'oy nc means indicates a now policy. The I^iasis have a healthy fear
of the social forces which a mcvemont for a "Greater Ukraine' 1 would unleash — such
a movement can too easily become a boomerang. But Hitler is only trying to go around
the obstacles and difficulties he now confronts.

- The vict;ricus Octobor Revolution opened up a" new perspective for the
oppressed minorities as well as for the workers and peasants, and began the con-
struction cf a society based upon production for use. Tho decisive part -of the
Qkraihe was under the Rod Flag and became a rallying center for those sections of
the Ukraine still controlled by the imperialist exploiters and their lackeys.

THE RIGHT OF SELF DETERiaNATI&N

The slogan for the right of self determination was raised by the Bol-
sheviks as part cf the workers struggle for power, as an auxiliary tactic to :)ut

award sections of the population into action, and to undermine the imperialist
oomination ox national minorities. It was not a trick slogan, a maneuver. It

ansoorod a genuine need : f tho o

TIN

alnorities. The concept of tho right cf

self determination was carried ever and incorporated into the Conditution of the
Soviet Union, the* first country to legally recognize this right even to the point
of separation of the federated nationality if so desired. But cno must understand
that this slogan is an auxiliaxy slogan, that it is not raised under ALL conditions
at ALL times. For example, the Soviets pointed out that the victorious Allies in
tho world war "advocated" self determination in Eastern Europe for the purpose of
dismembering and rendering impotent Germany and her allies, and to place a wall
between the Scviet Union and the rest of Europe. The Bclshoviks correctly exposed
and fought this type of "self determination." Hitler's agitatim today is only the
other side of the same coin.

-RATIONAL NEWS ' *^GE 7

The right cf self determination under capitalism, and the right cf self
^termination under Soviet rule dr net have the same axis. Thus, while tho Bel-
oriks affirmed this right, they sought tc convince the masses to stay within the
ramefcerk of the Federated Soviet Republic. The question is one of STRATEGY, net
Lciple. The party of the working class will net advance this slogan in situ-
_-L ens where it becomes a lever for an imperialist power AGAINST THE MINORITIES
against the working class, as was the case in Eastern Europe yesterday under
: Angle-French imperialist bloc, and as is the case today under the Rome-Berlin
xis.

FOR A UNITED SOVIET UKRAINE

One cannot consider the Ukraine' problem isolated from the Soviet Union,
notwithstanding Stalinist domination, because in that country is found the greater
part of the Ukraine. But neither can cno ignore the Ukrainian sections still under
the rule of the exploiters in Poland, Hungary and Roumanian There is on the one
hand the task of freeing these sections > and en tho ether hand the task ?f rusting
Stalinism which has stifled all developed in the. Soviet Ukraine as it has in the
rest of the Scviot Union. These tasks are two sides of one problem.

It is not tec early to envisage the time when the ycke of exploitation
will be smashed and the different sections cf the Ukraine vail be united into a
Ukraine Soviet. The precondition for this is the revolution in one or more ad-
-vnneed capitalist ccuntid.es in Europe and the establishment of a Soviet system.
This will be a beginning toward the consolidation of the United Sccialist Soviets
cf Europe. Under this structure the present relation tc the Soviet Union mil be
supplanted by a new and higher stage in which the, Ukraine as an entity in its own
right will be affiliated tc the European Soviet. Within this framework wo can
spoak cf a free, independent Soviet Ukraine.

TROTSKY AND THE UKRAINE QUESTION

An article by Trotsky, "The Prcblcn cf tho Ukraine", provides a good
springboard to differentiate between the Iviarjdst and centrist positions on this
question. Trctsl^y advocates the separation of the Ukraine from the Scviet Union
and the establishment of a "Freo^ independent Soviet Ukraine. " This position runs
counter tc the basic interests cf the working class, and can only play into the
hands of the imperialists and their Russian agents, Stalinists and others. Implied
in it is an identification of the Scviot Union with tho Stalinist burocracy, a less
cf faith in the possibilities cf the regeneration cf the warped workers state.

As usual, tho article abounds in ambiguous formulations intended to meet
the objections of the comrades who ask too many questions. Trotsky says: "The
program of Independence for the. Ukraine in the epoch of imperialism is directly
and indisBdl^rbly bound up with the program of tho proletarian revolution. It
would be criminal to entertain any illusions on this score." But this correct
statement is immediately negated: "In tho face of such an internal situation (de-
generation under Stalinism) it Is naturally impossible even to talk of Western
Ukraine voluntarily joining the USSR as it Is as present constituted. Consequently
the unification of the Ukraine PRESUPPOSES (Our emphasis — Ed.) freeing the so-
called Soviet Ukraine front the Stalinist boot." First the Soviet Ukraine must bo
- f read from the rest of tho Scviot Union, then wo will havo the proletarian rev-
olution and unification: of tho rest of tho Ukraine! This position makes so many
empty words of 4ho talk of a proletarian revolution. It is nc bettor in content
than tho stand of tho Soccnd International loaders who are for "socialism."

ISTERg^TIONxU, HEBS PAGE , 8

^~_^^^ TSc%skj resorts to faulty legip tc make his print. Ho spooks ef the im-

possibility of Western Ukraine VOLUNTARILY joining the Soviet Onion as at present
constituted. But western Ukraine eruld net vcluntarily' join the Soviet Union oven
if the S.U, were under o Marxian leadership. In any case, that is possible only;
AFTER the proletarian revolution in Western Ukraine/ a factor which would change
the whole relationship cf forces both within and outside the U.S.S.R.

1 " A REVOLUTION IN THE UKRAINE

If the workers carry through a successful revolution in Western Ukraine
(and other countries of that area) shculd our strategy then bo to demand that the
Soviet Ukraine separate and, join its western section? Just the opposite. The rev-
olutionary Marxists would, call for the unification of the now workers 1 state with
the Soviet Union on CONDITIONS necessary to insure the workers democratic control
cf the new Dictatorship of the Proletariat against the exploiters and as a wedge
tc revive workers democracy arid genmine Soviets in Russia/ On this basis the rev-
olution, in Western Ukraine would bo a wedge for a political revolution against
Stalinism.* It the same time it would extend its force westward to other parts of
Europe.

If the workers in Soviet Ukraine overthrow Stalinism and reestablish a
genuine workers state, shall they separate from the rest of the Soviet Union? No.
If the workers regain their position in the Soviet Ukraine before the proletarian
revolution in Western Ukraine, they shculd DRIVE DEEPER INTO THE SOVIET* ONIGIJ AGAINST
STALINISM and the other imperialist agents, Net turning cur backs en the Soviet
Union, but its regeneration and reestablishment as a mighty citadel of world rev-
cluti en— -that is the road of Marxism.

^ ^^-y Trotsky says: "The question of first order is the revolutionary guaran-
tee of the unity and independence cf a workers 1 -and peasants' Ukraine in the strug-
gle against imperialism, en the one hand, and against Moscow Bcnapartisni, en the
other." This is begging the question. The "first order" of Trotsky is about the
tenth order. To haVe a united and independent Ukraine, the workers and peasants
must succeed with a proletarian revolution in three capitalist countries* and must
carry through a political revolution in Soviet Ukraine.

Trotsky's concept turns inside out' the position of the extension of the
October Revolution and a political revolution in the Soviet' Pnicn, and completely
negates the position cf the defense of the Soviet Union. It has nothing in common
with the concept of the permanent revolution.

Enmeshed in capitalist contradictions in Western Ukraine, confronted with
Stalinist degeneration within Soviet Ukraine, with both sections beaten down under
the homer blows of the imperialist straggle for the rodivision of the world, the
problem cf the Ukraine calls for special attention. The policy the rovclutionary
.-arxists present, is first and foremost the independent action of the working class.
This is possible only en the basis of the political and organizational independence
of the revolutionary Llarxian crgani nation. In Western Ukraine this independent
class action calls for those steps that prepare the class in action for the social
revolution, in the tine element it makes no difference where the workers are suc-
cessful first, in the sccial revolution cf Western Ukraine rr in the political rev-
; elution of Soviet Ukraine. In the Soviet Ukraine this independent class action calls
for such a political revolution and the EXTENSION of this workers' victory to the
rest of the Soviet Union and for the Social revolution internationally. Only on this
basis can the working class EXTEND THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION,

IflTERJlATIOML HEWS

PART 3

PAGE 9

«ap>pi3'«0«@<4l Cl)ii©|°>^@ir

FROM

THE HIST R Y OF
By HUGO OEIiLER

TROTSKYISM

This was a new question fcr all cf us- We had little past material tc
use for a. guide. And even after the above mentioned letter in which it clearly
s t tated that we have here a principle issue and we must keep cur organizational
independence and only send factions into ether parties, we still made several false
and ""xlurnsy formulations on this principle question for the next few months — until
the Left Wing was firmly united and we ironed cut cur documents oh this question,
after long fiiscussiens with each other and fights with the other factions of the
League,

Cannon, did not want us, that is, the left wing, in the new party with
Muste, and he tried in every way possible to provoke us tc split. In reply, we
were compelled to present the following statement tc the National Committee on
November* 14, 1954, signed by Hugo Oehler, dealing with a New York membership
meeting:

"The rumors which have been set in motion by comrade Cannon' s speech at the
membership meeting of Sunday November 11 are obviously intended tc create a
false impression in the membership. In order tc circumvent this, 1 find it
necessary tt? submit the following statements

. - " Although \n our opinion the ICL made a principle mistake on the French
orientation this in itself dees net change the character cf the ICL as a
communist organisation. As such it must permit differences in its ranks
and within the bounds of traditional communist organizational procedure
(democratic centralism),, Expulsion of comrades for maintaining a principle
difference en the French orientation would constitute a breach of democratic
centralism by thj organization against which we will fight. On the other
hand if any comrade opposing the French orientation en principle grounds
breaks the discipline of the organization and thereby places himself outside
of it we will disassociate ourselves from him organizationally. At the same
time we vail fight for his r ^admission if he corrects such a mistake. And
we will carry on our principle fight inside the ICL to change its course."

There were some comrades vihe wanted tc split at that moment and net enter
the new Workers Party. The majority pointed out that this is not the French sec-
tion. We were not yet liquidating into the Socialist Party. On the contrary,
after our fight on the program we forced them to adopt a program that had a min-
imum Marxian line and we could fi^ht in this independent party fcr its growth. We
were sure that if things did not go too well that Cannon and Shachtman would try
to bust up the party and enter the'SP. This wo would be ready for. Our majority

position won.

WEISBGRD AND FIELDS

In his book, Cannon ridicules Weisbcrd and Fields and others, fcr their
impatience and "get- rich-quick" policy of going tc the masses over the head of
Camion. It must be pointed cut that the errors of Wcisbcrd and Fields, and later
the Shachtman group in opposition tc Cannon. ,dn either going or arguing for going
TO THE ijASSES WAS NOT THIS ASPECT cf the question. An attempt tc be mere than &
faction cf the CP, and an attempt tc dc work directly in the class strup^le inde-

HM

INTERNATIONAL

PAGE 10

pendent cf the C?-iii the early period' ;of >: the Left Opposition WAS A CORRECT ARGUMENT
against Carmen." v - : Mieir error , vAilch'Ga&hcn tc this; day decs not understand ..lay in
a different direction. Cannon passos.it off as a jcko cf "got rich quick" -people,
who wore impatient. This part cf their opposition was correct. It was the PROGRAM
these comrades j)resontod to the class in place cf the program of the Loft Opposi-
tion,, that was wrcng. In other wcrds, those comrades wanted to get into direct
el~S3 activity, but. the material they issued from day to day fell ?hcrt of a Marx-
ian program.. Max never reached this stago cf independence from Cannon," even though
he fcugii"t r liim ;;> idiflit v st "'constantly "bh'diilfr i|s-dos untii 7 th$ : Russian cposticii caused£ :a
their split/ New Shachtman^ group is oveii to tlie .'right of Cannon's group of Trct-
skyitos. In' going tc the clags, -like WeiSbcrd ahd Fields, Shaehtman evari went to ;: j -
the right cf thes6 fare fcrwer ^ccitirades. , ( t . ' .. .....

3c much fcr this aspect cf the cmektioia. .^cra important ip Canpcn's.*
orientation, following Tretslg Kt 'with the adcotic^ cf the "French turn!"' Left" us'
put It this. way. With the Socialist Party crioiitaticn and liquidation cf the
WORKERS FARTi^ Carmen and Saachtiaan 1 s > nn. impatience and "get rich quick" formula
was far wc-rso in 'principle error than that cf Weisbcrd and Fields. "Whereas Wois-
Ixrd and Fields tcck the direct read n tc the masses" the Trctslcy-Canncn-Shachtnian .
read cf liquidation into the Seciaiist Party carries with it, even now when they
are kicked cut, and are working as independent groups, thetthocrotical germ of
liquidation/ Liquidation TODAY inte the LABOR PARTY, liquidation tomorrow into
the Seciaiist Party as another left wing develops, and later when' tho wcrkors cf
America are ready to seise pewor, liquidation into a Farmer-Labor Government, a ^ j
third capitalist party government, like that cf the English Laber Party.

As we have said before, the Loft Oppcsiticn obtained Organic Unity with
the ASP, the Mustoites, and for a moment the SP liquidation orientation was "for-
gotten* " All factions entered the. new party* We feraally dissolved our faction,
but kept a; working relationship; of 'tie 'top faction ccimiiittoo, as did tho other
factions. We were in the 1 sauio committee meetings each day and week, and our
agreements^ and disagreement's flowed into the saine channels. Tho honeymoon lasted
aqlyrac f ew walks', because w.j found two different roads for tho now Workers Party
in every meeting, every committee. Cannon, led toward one road and the former left
wing led toward an opposite road, fte wanted to BDILD THE NEW PARTY, get out into
the class arid push .ur independent work. Cann/ii started at tho inception advancing
f eelers ; cchd ateoges with' a line toward ; the fi! SP — feeling' cut the 'iricmborship as; to ; I ■ "■."
what their ireac tie n would be. It was a fight in the dark, with each concrete
/action fcr this or that action emphasising either the Workers Party' 3 independent
action or lack cf acticn — because the Coaincn-Shachtenn orientation toward entry
into the SP roquided thatr nothing be done t. antagonize the SF. '"' Kusto was bewild-
ered in "this situaticri. He had been tcld that Oohlor was against unity with tho"
AW. This was 'obviously false, but it had its affect. The Basky, Stnmm, Eiffel,
Streeter, Ochler faction of the LO was pictured as pocple who did net want to unite.
Tho facts are that we wanted a Marxian program, which we cbtainod, ctherwiso wo
would not have united.

Let us translate this abstract afc^tamniit into concrete arguments to re-
veal what wo moan by the two roads for the now party.

The left wing, and later also rncst of 'the Musteites, wanted to proceed
toward the building of a powerful new party, an4 toward a Fourth International,
mainly hy ISD3PENDEOT CLASS ACTIVITY in : all avenues of work,; with negotiations
and faction work within tho S? and other crgani^ations as secondary. The Cannon
Shachtraan factions would give lip-qjrvico to this, but en all concrete issues,

INTERNATIONAL NEWS

PAGE 1L

and en faction- work thoir proposals resulted ip a perspective of mainly faction
activity., vPgaaic-unitjv liquidation cf the Workers PArty, with -necessarily blunted
class activity.-; ; . _ .•■ <., •''?.; .__ .[ . ,-. ...

. * - •• • . » - i~. i t «• • -

F^r- example, the left ^ng by necessity, carried ovcr.int: the now party,
the questions that were net voted en mon the CLA united with the &1 P: the Negro
question, the Colonial question, the Trade Union question, Imeool o~aat, and Amer-
ican Iiaperialism* These questions were mainly disputes m strategy, not tactics
or principles.. At the saoio time we ware involved in the new party sdth principle
disputes oflf the Independence ■. £ - the revolutionary Marxian ; rganization, the liquid-
ation Ant: tho-SP proposal?',' and the read to tho ; Fourth International. TJe rill .
take these .questions up in^.ncrete detail at the different plan] 'rrkors.

Party, -which .;Carta;n .passes .off ■ mainly as a fight against the- n Gehler sectarians."
Wo will.sh.w by documents., etd., the political, issues involved on the ques-

tions and let the reader judge f . r himself. It will reveal that 7.-3 hold a Marxian
line,, .while Cannon and .-Company moved to the ilgjit, into centrist. But as we said
eefore, foro-Oannon t,. h: Id fast to the LABEL of fiiaracLsro he had t: call us ultra-
left sectarians, because it was obvious that we were attacking free the left.

THE WORKERS PARTY

V/o had formed a. party., based upon a riiniinujoi Marxian program, and -
had- ample functionaries and cabbie cadres, tc take the field and held it ooblast
other forces larger in numbers, like the Stalinists and Socialists, because they
were reformists and wo worehOarxists., For the first. half year in the new party,-
Cannon especially, a little less so with ShacIAiu.an, stayed in the background on
the policy of liquidating the new party . into the ■&?. They obtained' such stooges
as Burnhain, whe was a ready \ to, 1 in. his off art to; liquidate and break up a revol-
utionary Marxian party. He. did wonderful service- for the -capitalists'. But he was
a stooge cf Cannon and Shachtaan. Jlook worked with Burnham, but as a silent part-
ner. Later wo. knew what Hook wrote and what Burnhain wrote. They were no differ-
ent then, than they are new. They had only different tactics to follow^ in their
aiia to break up the Marxian party. The left wing fought them every in^i. Thoy
hated the very ground we walked en, because they .felt that we might frustrate "
their plans. But the "good Work" ofo Cannon and Shachtiuan in protecting them—
as well as.. Budenz— defeated the ends of the left mag. Cannon and Shachtman needed
the services of Hook and feurnham against the left wing, .and against the Muste - ■-'
caucus* •

It must' be kept in mind that for the first six months Cannon and Shacht-
man denied emphatically that thoy intended tc; liquidate .the W? into the SP. 'In
fact, every carefully worded aoti n :r resolution they pushed in thrcugh Burnhwn
or saio ether stcoge, v/e. fought against; If our opposition gained enough vctos,
they retreated, and since they were careful enough to present resolutions Mth two
meanings, they would take the mild meaning, and accuse us of being alarmists, Thoy
even brought Tom Strap up on charges of slander a half year after wo ferrned the
new party, at £be June plenum, because he accused then; of secret negc tiatiens .with
SP representatives, without Political Coiiirjittee fv other party approval. Stamm
was censured by a vote against the left. Later we obtained aaoi^r evidence to prove
that we were correct,, but by jthisvtiiue we had airaady boon kidked' cut' of the part;.-.

■ - v *.; 1 '.-■-, ) ' • ' .-' O; '" ■ • '■

* ■■•■ . CANNON r S eOKFESSIGN . -

This was, the actual stqte.rf, affairs for- the first half year. But
Cannon, writing in his"histery» years later, amkos a confession -and a slip. He
says (page 194), "We had barely started our work under the independent ba~a:r ::"

I,1TEE^ATI(

PAGE 12

the Wcrk»jrs Party , but this pr bio,; v; uld not WTut. Wo begin t insist that mere
and more attention be paid to the Socialist Party and its developing left wing. fc*
Wo argued along tho following linos: Wo must frustrate tho Stalinists. Wo must
cut in between the Stalinists and this developing movement -^f tho left Socialists
and turn 1^ in the direction of genuine Marxism. And in order to accomplish this
wo must .lay aside all organisational fetishi Sm,"

im-w Cannon tells this. Bat at that period ho denied this variant of
liquidation into the SP until he expelled the loft -wing. Speaking of our position,
tno loft wing, Cannon says the fell: wing; "The Oohlorites tock their stand on
d:gmatic Sectarian givunds. Not only, wculd thoy have nothing to do with any pre-
sent criontation toward the Socialist Party, but :thoy insisted as a matter of prin-
ciple, that wo exclude this fr. m cur future consideration." Their position is:
"We- are Mohammed and they are the mountain, and the mountain must cpme us" (P. 195).

This' kind of argument evades the issue. We argued in the Loft Opposition,
and in the Workers Party, that on the basis of our independent organisation wo must
do faction work in the SP. Wo must send in a LARGE FACTION cf comrades. Wo
stated specifically that tho principle question wrts tho political jand crganiga-
ticnal independence of the revolutionary Marxian ORGANIZATION. Wo said it was a
strategical question as tc how many comrades" wo must send into tho SP. Wo cculd
even send in a majority. That was strategical. But keep enough cut to koop cur
independent banner flying. That was principled. On this basis, wo can later unito
if tho split or expulsion takes place one way or another. Our road was correct
then, new, and tomorrow. But when Cannon : and ^Shaxhtman were kicked out of the"
Socialist Party less than twgr years after their entry, they obtained their Organ-
isational "independence," while leaving something more important behind, Thoy
left behind in theory (by tHoir revisionist positions en the Labor Party, on the
Labor Government, , on. the : Peoples' Front, on Social Democracy, and many other ques-
tions) THEIR POLITICAL IKOfiPSND'lSBCiB A3 EVOLUTIONARY COMRADES. - And to the degree
that they bury themselves in the Labor Party, they also forsake their ORGANIZATION-
AL INDEPENDENCE..

Our policy of keeping intact cur independent, organisation and pross, which
would necessarily criticize the faction within tho SP when orrbrs wore made, 'would
hove resulted in keeping our Marxian program as well as gaining more members. In-
stead, the Canncn-Shachtmau line resulted in losses in political program (for "which
the RRL criticised their continual capitulation to reformism) as well as members.
) wore lost in splits and disillusionment,, than wore gained by tho S? entry.

: LIQUIDATION AIDS. S? BUROCRACY

Here important than this, was tho blow given to strong trends to loft
2nd revolutionary regrrupmonts in the B-.S. and abroad. Tho betrayal of Sccial-Dcm-
zcrses and Staliaism in Germany, Austria and Spain in 1955 and 1934, caused wido-
spread discontent among class conscious workers, and trends toward a now party

atoxaaticnal. But this nev/\ development, of the liquidation! st lino of Trct-
ism into Social Democracy, aided the old burecraelos against the militant rank
aid file. The position of Cannon-Shachtmoii-IIooli-Burnliam for the LIQUIDATION of
-..._ .rkers Party ; and entry Into the SP, was a god-send to Norman Thomas & Co.

Is cf workers who were considering joining the HP, instead joined the SP.
tberc rare also members of the SP and its various left tendencies (RPC, etc.) who
arc looking toward the Wc rkers Party as a basis for organic unity whon they know
r or later they would be expelled by Thomas In a bloc with tho right, wing.

.*

INTERNATIONAL NEWS PAGE 13

But wlion they realized that Cannon, Shachtmaii, Burnham and Heck were going to join
the SP, they changed thoirVndnd and waited for developments. This precoss took
place also in France, Germany, Spain-, ' and many etfae;r countries.

This theme wo shall play ever and ever by in many forms, to substantiate
by concrete details the truth of this statement. The development of the Workers
Party, or more exactly, its decline, is a product of the "French Turn 11 of Trotsky,,
the liquidatienist line of Cannon, Shachtman, Burnham and Hock. It is a betrayal
of the American working-class and revolutionary movement, a tragedy which found
counterparts in Spain (rath the POUM), and the other countries of which we spoke.

HOW GANNON "FOUGHT" AGAINST BUDENZ

A good beginning to reveal the difference between the Left Wing, which
the "real I} Larxists, revolutionists, proletarian Cannonites called the "lunatic
and sectarian fringe 11 , is the Budenz .question in the Workers Party. Budenz, says
Cannon (p. 176), "was a vicious .ppenont of the unification. Budenz was already
looking toward the Stalinist party, as ihdeod a considerable section of the AW?
organisation had been." This is ene-cf those half-truths, which is no better than
no truth. The fact remains that Budens, Johnson and others at the very beginning
uere sceptical of the CLA, as well as the Stali list as being "too fc reign," too
sectarian, and not "American" enough in their approach to the workers of thsu
country. But after they j.ined the nev party with -haste they at first really went
to work to BUILD THE WORKERS PARTI. But" they nc moro than got started and they too
understood that something oas foul. Thdy too began to realise, in their era way,
differently than the left olng, that Cannon and Shachtman and Burnham and Hook
were trying to stop all building of the .Workers Party and enter the 3P. !Jhose fel-
lows reasoned that of the fcv/c suouoes, the Communist Party was less of an evil,
even though Cannon and Shachtman had the door closed insofar as joining the CP v/as
concerned. Theoretically, there is NOO0IFFERENCE IN PRINCIPLE 3ET17EEN LIQUIDATING
INTO: THE STALIJI3T PARTY— AND LIQUIDATING INTO THE SOCIALIST PARTY. Tactically
and strategically it is different, but not theoretically. IF ONE IS CORRECT THEN
THE OTHER IS ALSO CORRECT. ■

Cannon spooks as though HE fought Budenz and KNEW that Budenz was head-
ing toward Stalinism. Nothing v/as further from the truth. Let us quote in full
a document the left vdng entered into the nerr party en this question.. It goes
without saying that r/e did not van, because Cannon, Shachtman end Musto voted us

n. But it at least shous via; is wiu and what is what.

4-22-35

C Comrad
in the March is

de Budenz 1 s article "F ^r An American Revolutionary Approach,"
..sue of the Li;dern uonthly, is, in essence, an anti-Marxists
platform around vMch a right vdng is crystalising in the party. Comrade
Budenz, in his interpret ati an of t/hat he conceives as his American revol-
utionary approacn to be, advances Ideas that not only come in conflict r.lth
the Declaration of Principles of our Party but really attempts to substitute
a platform of nati. nalisro. for the platform of the party — the Declaroti :n of
Principles.

The main trend of the article — under cover of an American Approach
^is a rejection of internationalism. It does not regard the rev: lu t i : aary
movement of the American v/.rking class as part and parcel of the revolotiri
ary movement of the workers of the vcrld; it advocates a concept - :*: : ::
olutJonary party of Americo should hold itself aloof from the "brails rf

IET3RHATI0«AL HEWS ■ PAGE 14

European radicalism." Such a concept carried to its 1-gieol conclusions could
result only in national isolation of the' party viiieh adopted it. It dees net
affirm the n^od for correct Marxian theory as a basis, for revolutionary acticnj
the article is permeated vdth contempt for theory; the article is full cf fo«c?k i
fcraiist and reactionary ideas. By proposing a constitutional ainondmont as a
program or as a slogan- -to ''strike a death blow at the profit system 11 through
. a 'nationalization of the basic industries and transportation the article
fosters the illusion that the capitalist state apparatus can bo used"te strike
a death bio-; at the profit system". The appeal to the idea cf the Founding
Fathers, the proposals tc use the slogan "Advance America 1 ' are extrenely dan-
gerous and can bo used by reactionary movements and oven by Fascist elements.

The Budcnz article— published before- the Plenum—and the fact that
several leading e.rorades— Ilca/a, Johnson, Truax— have identified thjioselves

with the ideas advanced in this article since the filQimm, indicates that a
number cf conradas in the ranks : f the party also Support these ideas, prcvos
that contrary to the Pittsburgh Plenum resolution a danger fron. the right in
the party exists. (Botes The Pittsburgh resolution which Cannon ranued
through said the danger existed froti the left.f

The resolution adopted at the Pittsburgh Pleriuo and the course
followed -a the basis of this resoluti:n--an attack :n the loft-- encouraged
' right elements who, under cover of the attafck in the loft, began to crystalige

around the Budeni article. - •

The PC should now chongo its course. It should declare that the
danger to the party conies from the right. It should v;age on ideological
struggle in the- party against the Budonz Platform-* The PC- should carry out
the decision^ to publish a political reply to the Budeiiz article, disassoc-
iating the party fron it. A general resolution cxi the perspective f the W
and its relations to the SP should be adopted and a international political
fight should be wagxl otgainst the 2nd and 3rd internationals, for the 4th
International. The Basky-Stam-Oehler resolution should be adopted as a basis
for a struggle o gainst the donger fron the right.

• ■ Basky

: * Staian

■ ; Cehler

History, however, reveals that Cannon and Shachtir.an still considered
biu nain danger to e'eino fr:n- the left. Therof:re they v/aged a relentless war
against the Marxists, while making unity vdth such sterling Bolsheviks as Budens,

Company. .. •

(T. Be Continued)